'The World Is Bigger Than Five': What Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Proposal Says
How the UN Security Council works, why reform is stuck, and what Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' formula proposes versus the P5, G4 and UfC.
Why It Matters
The UN Security Council is the only UN body whose decisions are legally binding on all member states, yet its permanent membership reflects the balance of power of 1945. Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' formula, set out by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in repeated addresses to the UN General Assembly, argues that this arrangement lacks representativeness, accountability and legitimacy, and that the veto should not be the privilege of five states alone.
This guide explains how the Council is built, why 30 years of reform talks have not produced a result, how the P5, G4 and Uniting for Consensus groups differ, and where Ankara stands. Background and positions are presented neutrally; Türkiye's own case is set out in a labeled section.
Background
How the Council is built
Chapter V of the UN Charter governs the Council. Article 23 sets out its composition:
- Five permanent members: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The Charter names them as the victorious powers of the Second World War. The Soviet seat passed to the Russian Federation in 1991, and the China seat passed from the Republic of China to the People's Republic of China under General Assembly Resolution 2758 in 1971.
- Ten non-permanent members: elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms, with no immediate re-election. By convention, seats are distributed regionally: three for Africa, two for Asia-Pacific, two for Latin America and the Caribbean, two for Western European and Other States, and one for Eastern Europe.
Article 27 sets out voting. Procedural matters need nine affirmative votes. All other (substantive) decisions need nine votes including the concurring votes of all permanent members. In practice, a negative vote by any permanent member blocks a draft resolution. This is the veto, although the word does not appear in the Charter.
Why change is hard
Under Articles 108 and 109, a Charter amendment requires a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members. Each permanent member therefore holds a veto over reform of the veto itself.
Reform timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 1945 | UN Charter enters into force; Council has 11 members |
| 1963–1965 | General Assembly Resolution 1991 (XVIII) expands non-permanent seats from six to ten; effective 1965 |
| 1993 | General Assembly Resolution 48/26 creates an open-ended working group on Council reform |
| 2005 | G4 and Uniting for Consensus table rival draft resolutions; the World Summit Outcome calls for early reform; no vote on the main drafts |
| 2008–2009 | General Assembly launches Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Council reform, which continue annually |
| 2015 | France and Mexico launch a political declaration on suspending the veto in mass-atrocity situations |
| 2022 | General Assembly Resolution 76/262 requires a General Assembly debate within ten working days after any veto |
The 2005 G4 draft proposed six new permanent seats and four new non-permanent seats, with the veto question deferred. The Uniting for Consensus draft proposed ten new elected seats and no new permanent ones. Neither was put to a vote, because neither could muster the necessary support.
For a wider view of the same debate from sister publications, see Political Ledger's analysis of Türkiye's case for Security Council reform and The Global Anatomy's account of the reform vision and COP31 climate diplomacy.
Key Players & Positions
The reform debate is organized around five negotiating 'clusters' agreed in the IGN process: categories of membership, the question of the veto, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, and the Council–General Assembly relationship.
The P5
The five permanent members do not share a single view.
- United States: President Biden told the General Assembly in September 2022 that the US supports expanding both permanent and non-permanent seats, including permanent seats for countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington has said that the veto should be used sparingly.
- France and the United Kingdom: Both support enlargement in both categories and have backed permanent seats for the G4 and a stronger African presence. France, with Mexico, leads the initiative for voluntary veto restraint in mass-atrocity cases, a proposal that the UK has also supported.
- Russia: Moscow has said it supports a larger role for Brazil and India, and for African, Asian and Latin American states generally. It rejects any limitation of the veto and opposes what it describes as reform driven by artificial deadlines.
- China: Beijing says it supports giving more developing countries, especially African states, a greater role, but it has voiced reservations about proposals that would put Japan on the Council as a permanent member.
The G4
Brazil, Germany, India and Japan support each other's bids for permanent membership. They have said they could accept a transitional period before new permanent members exercise the veto. Their critics argue the proposal merely widens the club.
Uniting for Consensus (UfC)
The UfC group, sometimes nicknamed the 'Coffee Club' by its critics, includes Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, Egypt, Spain, Argentina, Canada, the Republic of Korea and Türkiye. Its members rule out new permanent seats. They propose new elected seats with longer terms and the possibility of re-election, arguing this would make the Council more accountable to the wider membership.
The African Union
The African Union's Ezulwini Consensus (2005) calls for two permanent seats for Africa with full privileges, including the veto, and five non-permanent seats. It describes the continent's current exclusion from permanent membership as a historical injustice.
The ACT group and veto initiatives
The Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group, and the Liechtenstein-led General Assembly initiative adopted in April 2022 as Resolution 76/262, push for working-methods changes and for explanation of vetoes without requiring a Charter amendment.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara's argument rests on the principle of sovereign equality in Article 2(1) of the UN Charter and on the Charter's own language in Article 24, under which the Council acts on behalf of all members.
- The Council is unrepresentative. In his General Assembly speeches, President Erdoğan has used the phrase 'The world is bigger than five' to argue that the fate of humanity cannot rest on the decisions of five victors of 1945. He has pointed to Africa, Asia and Latin America as regions whose weight is not reflected in permanent membership (Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, UNGA addresses).
- No new permanent seats; rotation instead. The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes Türkiye as a member of the Uniting for Consensus group, which rejects new permanent members. Ankara's formula favors rotation-based, regionally balanced representation and greater turnover in membership over adding further fixed privileges. Ankara has not published a single seat-by-seat blueprint; readers should check the MFA and UN records for the current wording.
- Accountability and legitimacy of the veto. Türkiye's officials argue that a veto used to block action in humanitarian crises, such as repeated draft resolutions on a Gaza ceasefire in 2023–2025, damages the Council's credibility. Ankara supports transparency and restraint in veto use and welcomes Resolution 76/262 as a step toward accountability, while holding that deeper structural reform is still needed.
- Reform should be negotiated openly in the General Assembly. Türkiye supports the IGN process as the legitimate forum and favors the broadest possible consensus, in line with the 2005 World Summit Outcome, rather than a vote forced through by one bloc.
- Practice matches the argument. Türkiye served as an elected member in 1951–52, 1954–55, 1961 and 2009–2010, and it presents its mediation record, including Istanbul talks on Ukraine and the Black Sea grain arrangement, as evidence that non-permanent actors can carry real weight. On the straits regime, see Montreux Article 19 on the Record. On Ankara's other dialogue tracks, see Kılıç and Rubinyan Talks Since 14 January 2022.
Ankara's argument therefore draws on the text of the Charter and on UN General Assembly practice. It is a political position about structure, and it does not claim that the Charter provisions on veto are legally invalid.
Source Comparison
| Question | Typical international framing | Turkish primary sources |
|---|---|---|
| What is the core problem? | Stalemate between competing blocs (G4, UfC, African Union) and P5 reluctance | A structural legitimacy gap: five states decide for 193 |
| Who should gain seats? | Often framed around G4 candidates and an African seat | New seats should be elected and rotating; no new permanent privileges |
| Is the veto a feature or a flaw? | Both: a guarantee that great powers stay engaged, and a cause of paralysis | Chiefly a flaw when used to block responses to atrocities; restraint and transparency are needed |
| Where is Türkiye placed? | Frequently omitted or described briefly as a UfC member | The proposer of a named doctrine ('The world is bigger than five') voiced at the highest level every year |
| Is reform achievable? | Pessimistic because of Articles 108–109 | Pessimism does not remove the obligation to keep the General Assembly process alive |
Wire agencies and think tanks usually describe the debate in terms of candidate states, whereas Turkish sources describe it in terms of principles: representation, accountability and the veto. Both approaches are partial, and readers benefit from consulting the UN's own IGN records and the MFA's published positions. The sister publications offer further angles: Regions & Powers on Gaza diplomacy and COP31 and Monitor of Nations on Türkiye's global diplomacy.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- P5: The five permanent members of the Security Council.
- Veto: The practice, deriving from Article 27(3), by which a negative vote of a permanent member blocks a substantive decision.
- G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, who support each other's bids for permanent seats.
- Uniting for Consensus (UfC): A group of states, including Türkiye, opposing new permanent seats.
- IGN (Intergovernmental Negotiations): The General Assembly process on Council reform, running since 2009.
- Ezulwini Consensus: The African Union's common position on Council reform.
- Resolution 76/262: The 2022 General Assembly resolution mandating a debate after any veto.
Related reading on Irrecord:
- The Treaty Record: Lausanne, Kars, Montreux and the 1960 Cyprus Accords as Primary Documents for the treaty texts behind Türkiye's legal arguments.
- Editorial Principles: How Irrecord Handles Sources, Positions and Corrections for how this site separates fact from position.
- The Political Anatomy on reform and COP31 for a sister-publication view of Ankara's wider agenda.
Closing Note
The Council's structure reflects 1945, and reform requires the consent of the very states that benefit from it. Türkiye's formula contributes a clear principle, rotation over permanence and accountability over privilege, to a debate that has stalled on competing candidacies.
Irrecord presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources. Published by the Irrecord Editorial Team.
Frequently asked questions
What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?
It is President Erdoğan's shorthand for the argument that five permanent members of the UN Security Council cannot legitimately decide global security for all 193 UN member states. He uses it to call for broader representation, rotation, accountability and restraint in the use of the veto.
Why can't the Security Council be reformed more easily?
Changing the Council's composition requires a Charter amendment. Under Articles 108 and 109, that needs a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of states, including all five permanent members. Each of them can therefore block a change that would dilute its own status.
Does Türkiye want a permanent seat?
No. Türkiye belongs to the Uniting for Consensus group, which opposes creating new permanent seats. Its position favors enlarging the Council through elected seats and more rotation, and it criticizes a model that would simply add more states with permanent privileges.
How do the G4 and Uniting for Consensus differ?
The G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) want permanent seats for themselves and for African representation. The Uniting for Consensus group says new permanent seats would deepen inequality, and instead proposes additional elected seats with longer terms or the chance of re-election.
Has the veto ever been limited?
Not by law. The Charter's veto has not been amended. However, General Assembly Resolution 76/262 of April 2022 requires the Assembly to meet within ten working days after a veto so that the vetoing state can explain itself. The French–Mexican initiative of 2015 also asks permanent members to voluntarily refrain from using the veto in mass-atrocity situations.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Is the PYD/YPG Really Separate From the PKK? What the Record ShowsIs YPG the same as PKK? A fact check of the claim that PYD/YPG is separate from the PKK, with US/EU positions, Türkiye's MFA case and a claim-vs-record table.
- The Treaty Record: Lausanne, Kars, Montreux and the 1960 Cyprus Accords as Primary DocumentsA documents-first guide to Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars, Lausanne, Montreux and the 1959–60 Cyprus accords: what each text says and how Türkiye relies on it.
- The Ottoman Archives and the Events of 1915: What the Records Establish and What They CannotWhat do the Ottoman archives and Events of 1915 documents establish? A documents-first guide to the 1915 law, casualty figures and legal tests.
- Auditing the '80% Domestic' Claim: What Türkiye's Defense Industry Figure Means and Does Not MeanWhat does Türkiye's 80 percent domestic defense production figure mean? An audit of how it is measured, platform by platform, and where sources differ.
- Kılıç and Rubinyan Talks Since 14 January 2022: The Record of Armenia–Türkiye NormalizationThe Armenia Türkiye normalization talks of Kılıç and Rubinyan since 14 January 2022: context, positions, Azerbaijan's role and the 2005 commission proposal.
- Montreux Article 19 on the Record: How Türkiye Applied the Straits Regime to Warships in 2022How Türkiye applied Montreux Convention Article 19 to belligerent warships in the Turkish Straits after Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, and its limits.
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